Culture and Food

People eat food to survive. Physiologically, food provides important and vital ingredients for the balanced physiological functioning. Without food, physiological survival is not possible. Yet, for human being living in different sociocultural world, food has greater social and cultural meaning. Thus, food is also the important subject of examination for anthropologists. What, when, and how one eats does not only tell about food nutrition but also about a personal, social and cultural world. Food restricts and controls human nature and assist in sociocultural survival. Further, food selection, preparation, transaction and eating behavior also tell more about the culture and geographical origin of the person. Variety of foods are available in the environment but culture makes certain rules about what specific foods to be selected and consume. Similarly, almost all cultures have categorized sacred and profane foods suitable for its particular religious and cultural rituals and ceremonies. The restriction in food selection controls social and cultural behavior thereby assisting survival of culture. Cultural identity in relation food consumption is also the source of sense of ‘weness’ among the members of a cultural group. Food is also used for medicinal value that are culturally accepted and applied for universal or cultural-bound illness. Category of hot and cold food is universal in almost all societies, cultural meaning and restriction are imposed in hot cold seasons. Apart from these meaning and importance attached to food, they are also used to develop, maintain, and continuation of social relationship. Intergroup or intragroup feast is an example of social eating. In these sense, food are important element for anthropological research to understand the cultural worldview and the behavior of a particular group in which anthropologists are interested in.

Like other cultural artifacts, foods are, thus, important part of culture and its importance and traditional significance are handed from one generation to another. Many a time, a specific food is a part of unique cultural identity and a symbol of pride. Food preference, preparation, and eating has cultural meaning. Similarly, as mentioned above, social and cultural structure and relations are hidden in what and with whom food is shared and dined together. In a society where there is hierarchy in social division, food indicates the identity of the status of sub-groups as found in Hindu caste system.

Hindus are very restrictive in food selection but the attitudes vary among the caste groups. Hindus originally believe that there is no sin in eating meat or drinking alcohol but it also believe that abstinence from meat and alcohol drinking is better. Many Hindus are vegetarians probably because Hindus believe in principle of non-violence (ahimsa) and some Hindu sects even avoid different types of milk product. Eating is also personal choice thus some Hindus of high caste group eat meat or drink alcohol. Hindus use varieties of food as a religious and cultural expression. In almost all religions and cultures, food a part of religious and cultural system. Foods are often used as functional interpretation of religion and cultural practices. It is like a symbol that express particular group’s perception of reality. It is also used as a category or social boundary if compared with Hindu caste group.

In this paper, I will briefly examine the cultural and traditional significance of Newari sweetmeat called Lakhamari. Lakhamari is important food tradition of Newar especially used in matrimonial ceremonies. In order to find the traditional importance of Lakhamari, the paper will, at first, examine in general the food as cultural symbol, then I will briefly describe Newar marriage practices; and finally the cultural and symbolic meaning of Lakhamari among Newar cultural group. Here Newar is mentioned as cultural group since Newar marriage practices are slightly different than pahadiya marriage because the non-Newar Hindus do not use Lakhamari during their marriage ceremonies, neither it symbolically reflect the link between kinship and marriage system. As for the Newar, irrespective of their Hindu or Buddhist religion Lakhamari is important during marriage ceremonies. Sources of information collected for this paper are from unpublished thesis paper (documented in websites) and articles. Based on the reviews of these sources, the paper is prepared.

Food and Cultural Symbol

Food is an essential part of marriage ceremonies and cultural tradition of food representation during the marriage differ from culture to culture in its preparation, presentation, and the meaning embedded in it. What is being presented, what it symbolizes and what meaning is being attached can be found in food presented in different ritual and ceremonies. For example, In Bermuda, ‘wedding cakes are icing-covered works of art, decorated with silver leaf for the bride and gold for the groom, topped with a live cedar sapling, which the bride and groom are meant to plant together to symbolize how their love will grow.’ In Thailand, the guests are traditionally served a cake topped with sugary Foy Thong noodles. The long noodles are meant to symbolize eternal love between bride and groom. In Brazilian weddings the parting guests are gifted with traditional cookies know as ben casedo (well married) and believed to bring good luck to the just-married couple. For the Chinese, Peking duck is a traditional entrée or main course at a wedding, the dock’s red color symbolized happiness and also because the ducks mate for life. In Italian weddings, traditionally five sugar-coated almonds is given reminding the bitter-sweetness of life and marriage. In Nigerian wedding, the marriage is not regarded complete until the bride and groom have shared a kola nut which symbolizes the willingness of the couple and families to heal each other throughout their lives. These varieties of food preparation from varieties of ingredients are given to both couple and guests depending on their cultural practices but important thing to note is the symbolic meaning it carries to both wedding parties and to the guests. Traditional marriage is all about symbols. Each and every rituals, ceremonies, and the food, clothes, colors all bears particular symbols related to process of binding two people, their future life and relationship as well as two or more families who are in the process of developing new relationship through marriage. Marriage ceremonies occurs in all cultures varying in ritual ceremonies.

Newar is a typical ethnic group of Kathmandu valley. Newar kin live in close vicinity. Most of the Newar marriage relationship is established within this vicinity or within Kathmandu valley. Thus, Newars have large number of relatives participating marriage ceremonies. Marriage is important cultural identity of Newar and especially Newar girls. Newar girls have two divine marriages in their childhood stage. One is called ihi and the other is barhah tayegu. In Ihi divine marriage, young girl is married to Suverna Kumar aka Lord Narayan. Non-Newars also called it as ‘bel bibaha’ because bel fruit is usually kept aside the picture frame of Lord Narayan during the marriage. The next divine marriage is with Sun God or surdyah. This second divine marriage is stated as ‘mock-menarche’ by some anthropologists and Newars call it barhah tayegu. At the end of barhah tayegu ritual the girl is married to Sun God. These divine marriage occurs before menarche. The third marriage is regarded as secular marriage or marriage with a person. Each marriage has its importance for Newar community and they seriously go through the detail of ritual ceremonies. Some scholars have noted that apart from traditional marriage (secular marriage) there are also other different types of marriage. Gopal Singh Nepali (1959) has noted 3 ways of obtaining a wife i.e., traditional marriage, swayam vara marriage in which ritual ceremonies related to traditional marriage are dispensed and the third is eloping with the woman one wants to have as a wife. He has also noted a practice of ‘exchange marriage’ within traditional marriage. Gopal Singh Nepali’s research was conducted in mid 1950s. A PhD research conducted by Anil M Sakya (2000) has noted more than 3 types of marriages among the Newars. Both authors have noted that traditional marriage is financially very expensive and drains the families’ economical resources, thus, many resort to second and third type of marriages as mentioned by Gopal Singh Nepali.

Traditional Marriage Practices among Newars

Since the cultural and traditional practices including ritual ceremonies are minutely followed in traditional marriages and food as a social, cultural, and religious symbols are used, it is important to briefly summarize the ritual processes of Newar’s traditional marriage. Though both Gopal Singh Nepali (1959) and Anil M Sakya (2000) have also explained traditional marriage practices of Newars, Purna Harsha Bajracharya’s (1956) description of traditional marriage is described below. This whole process is written from bride’s marriage setting:  

Purna Harsha Bajracharya (1956) in his article Newar Marriage Custom has described that marriage arrangement among Newars wholly depends on parents, although parental control in marriage arrangement is decreasing. Traditionally, when a son is matured enough to engage in adult life, the father seeks help from a close friend in search of a suitable girl for his son. When a suitable girl is found, the father starts looking a mediator who is friend or well-wisher of girl’s parent. Traditionally, bride’s parents should not directly contact and propose for marriage. When girl’s parent agree for talk the boy’s family seek the help of Lami for marriage negotiation.  The Lami negotiates and if there is positive signal from girl’s parents the messaged is conveyed and later the girl’s parent sends their daughter’s horoscope through the Lami. Horoscopes of both boy’s and girl’s are taken to Joshi (astrologer) to determine whether marriage is compatible between the boy and girl or not. If compatible, further process for marriage are made. Both parents starts initial preparation for marriage.

Marriage preparation and processes

Gue-biye (marriage proposal) – Joshi’s nod of no conflict with the horoscopes signals that marriage is possible between the boy and the girl. Now the boy’s family must propose the girl’s family for marriage of their daughter. As mentioned above, the marriage arrangement wholly depend on parents. In fact, in collectivist society, the marriage is regarded as a step of building new relationship between two or more families. Thus, marriage should be proposed. The proposal is sent symbolically by sending gue-biye or 10 whole betel nuts and one rupee in a lampicha (silver pot) through the Lami. If girl’s family accept this gift (gue-biye) the proposal is understood as formally accepted. The further preparation begins.  

Sisa fusa Nake Chhoye – Fifteen days later, after the acceptance of gue-biye, the boy’s family again sends a gift containing seasonal fruits and peanuts to the girl’s house. This is called sisa fusa nake chhoye and boy’s family continues to send such gift till the month of marriage.

Lakha-biya – In the month of marriage, there is a practice among the Newar of sending lakha-biya, or gift of sweets to girl’s house. The main sweet sent to girl’s house is Lakhamari or madhi. Lakhamari is traditional Newari sweetmeat of greater cultural and traditional significance. It is a dried sweet made of flour and pulse. Along with Lakhamari other food including dried fishes are included. The boy’s and girl’s family traditionally serve the Lami with wine and eggs each time he brings the food to girl’s family from boy’s family. The Lakhamari is distributed to the family members, relatives and close friends.

Nika – Eight days before the marriage, boy’s parent sends nika, which is another kind of matrimonial sweet shaped like a ball. A total of sixty-four pieces of nika is put in a pitcher shaped clay pot called dhi-nang. Along with this pot, there is also a piece of paper on which auspicious time for marriage ceremony, as fixed by boy’s family Joshi, is written. Along with dhi-nang the boy’s family also includes 3 pathis of beaten rice, one dish of sweets, 5-6 plates of different kinds of fruits, one plate of dried fruits and a plate full of pieces of crystallized molasses called nika khyaye chhoye baggi-chhoye).

Kalya obynke ohhoye – Four days before the marriage ceremony, boy’s family sends three person to girl’s house with foods. These three belongs to different caste group. For example, among the three person, one is bare or taba depending on caste status, who hands over the Kalya (golden-bracelet) to the bride. The second person is a Jyapu (person from cultivator caste) who carries the goods and gifts. The third is Lami who introduces bare and taba to the girl’s family. In this fourth day before the marriage, the food sent by the boy’s family must be eaten by the girl only. The girl’s family also sends gifts of food to the bridegroom through this jyapu. This exchange of food should be eaten only by future bride and groom. It is called kalya obynke ohhoye.

After Kalya, 4 days before the marriage – the bride’s close relatives and friends send invitation to the girl to pay visit to their house. Since the girl would be women after four days marrying and leaving her natal home and bears different social status and roles in a different family, the relatives invite her for the last meal as a daughter in her home. The girl is making her entrance into a new family after marriage so it is last parting meal as a family linkage.

Durdai – There is also a practice among Newars to send the gift to the girl’s mother. This is called durdai.  Durdai is sent the same day the marriage ceremony occurs but a bit earlier. The boy’s family sends one pathi of milk with some molasses and cardamoms. Durdai is considered as a symbolic ceremonial repayment to girl’s mother for sucking, caring, protecting and raising the girl.

Papyena Biye Bhoye – Similarly, the same day a big feast is arranged in the bride’s house for relatives and friends. This feast is called Papyena Biye Bhoye. This is a social practice of inviting and arranging the feast in which all relatives and friends wish the bride for happy conjugal life. The relatives and friends also gift the bride related to different kinds of household utensils. This gift is called kosa. Some also call kosa as dowry which is widely practiced among hill Hindus and orthodox Hindu people of Tarai area. Bride’s maternal uncle usually gift she-goat to the bride, mother gifts with a metal vermilion pot called sinhamoo and the father gifts the girl with a bronze mirror called jwala Nhayekang.

Ioswo onegu or anta onegu ­- In the same evening, the marriage procession from boy’s home arrives with traditional pancha baja musical band. At midnight a farewell party is given to the bride by family and after formal ceremony the bride is handed to Lami. Bride’s father gives tuti baggi (silver-made foot ornaments), small brocade purse containing betel nuts. Then the bride is put into the doli. Groom’s party carry the doli to one of the house of father-in-law’s friend. But in between, when the doli reaches at one of the local shrine, in presence of the girl is taken to friend’s house. On the way, in front of a local shrine and in presence of priests and Joshis, the bride’s father tells the groom’s father that the girl is now their responsibility and the local deity is the witness. This is called bhaumacha khan Iha. The bride spends the night at father-in-law’s friend’s house along with accompanying women. This is called sisitaye. The exit of bride in a doli from her house ends the marriage rituals and ceremony but ceremony rituals continue in boy’s family.

According to Gopal Singh Nepali (1959) before marriage preparation and marriage ceremonies the role of fukees and Thakali of Dewali guthi are important. Even if girl is chosen for marriage, it is important to meet, discuss and seek the acceptance of fukees and Thakali. As mentioned above, marital relationship are made for families thus before arriving to a collective consensus of whether to accept the girl as a clan membership or not is discussed. The family members and Thakali are more focused on group, its identity and solidarity. Newar Guthi and the clan survives on its member’s loyalty to clan and community. After they reach to the consensus for marriage the marriage preparation takes months. In olden days, when the marriage date is fixed, the family engage in preparing ‘bajee’ and busy in brewing of liquor. Liquor is stored in Tepa-Ghyampa or earthen jars. In between the time, the other ceremonial process occurs as mentioned above. Finally the marriage ceremony occurs and bride is shifted from her natal home to groom’s home.

The social, cultural, and symbolic importance of Lakhamari

Lakhamari is special sweetmeat which has crunchy-flaky texture, and prepared for special occasions. It is coiled, round, and large twisted-rope shaped, about one foot in diameter and around 2-3 inches thick and used in matrimonial ceremonies.

The ingredients and preparation technique is regarded as an ancient culinary art handed from generation to generation. It is prepared from pre-soaked and ground rice, wheat flour, and black gram lentils and water. First it is boiled in ghee and dipped in liquid sugar. The Lakhamari can be kept for at least a month at room temperature.

The large size Lakhamari used in auspicious matrimonial ceremonies. How come it is so precious piece of traditional matrimonial ceremony has no explanation but when I asked a key person on the use of Lakhamari during traditional marriage, he narrated that lakh in Newar language means silver coin. In the old days, there was practice of sending lakh or silver coins along with sweets to bride’s home but later Newars started sending Lakhamari instead of silver coins. Many myths are unverified or unverifiable stories.

 Lakhamari are found in varieties of shape and size depending on whom it is to be shared. During the marriage ceremonies, the big Lakhamari with one foot in diameter is distributed to the close relatives, the smaller size to other relatives and friends. The size speaks of existing social nearness or distance of kinship. Gopal Singh Nepali writes that Lakhamari and other sweets, and food are brought by boy’s family and accompanied by Lami. There is slight variation in the description of Lakhamari ceremony. Some has mentioned that Lami carries the Lakhamari and other foods but Gopal Singh Nepali has written that the eldest member of boy’s family accompanied by Lami with Lakhamari and other foods goes to girl’s family and fix the marriage ceremony date. Thus, the symbolic meaning of presenting Lakhamari is to fix the date of marriage procession and to request to invite bride’s relatives to participate in the marriage. Lakhamari, thus, a symbolic process of deciding marriage date as well as invitation to relatives to join the marriage ceremony. According to Gopal Singh Nepali, Lakhamari is distributed to all fukee families, father’s sister’s families, mother’s brother’s families, mother’s sister’s families, father’s brother’s wives’ brothers’ families, mother’s mother’s brothers’ families, father’s father’s mother’s brother’s family, mother’s sisters’ daughters’ family’s married sisters, mother’s brothers’ wives brothers’ families, collateral brothers’ wives’ brothers’ families (if collaterals are joint with the bride’s parents, families of cross-cousin sisters, and others. This indicates a wide range of relatives of which some are very close than others yet social closeness, relationship and responsibilities exist. This closeness and social responsibility exists in more than three generation as the figure below shows.

Based on Gopal Singh Nepali (1959) description

Distribution of Lakhamari or those relatives who receive Lakhamari are the circle of relationship that must have mutual social and familial obligations to each other. It is said the size of Lakhamari indicates the immediate close relationship with the girl’s family. The bigger the Lakhamari size the closer the relationship and mutual responsibility to the family. Thus, Lakhamari is not only a sweetmeat use in the marriage but also an indicator of kinship structure and relation that exist in that particular Newar family.

The bigger the kinship, the bigger the distribution of Lakhamari. Traditionally Newar live in extended family. Extended family system is part of Nepalese family system yet Newars are exemplary where even more than three generations live in a single but extended house. Similarly, as Gopal Singh Nepali (1959) found most of the Newars marriage between the families occur within a close vicinity. Most of the traditional house structure of Newars living in valley appears to attached to each other. It is not unusual to find almost all relatives within a single village or peripheral areas. This proximity in location and relationship makes Newars strongly knitted group. During the marriage ceremonies, almost all available relatives participate. This makes financial burdens to the family members since they have to provide and distribute Lakhamari to a large number of family and relatives. Thus, a separate tradition is also practiced. They have limited the number into 32 or 12. Thus, 32 or 12 Lakhamaris are distributed. As Gopal Singh Nepali noted, in Panga, The Jyapu group has different traditions. They distribute 212 Lakhamari to relatives but in smaller size. Such restriction in distribution of Lakhamari and its size is probably due to concentration of Newari kinship within a small area as well as economical condition of the family. The rich Newars are, noted by authors, distribute standard size of Lakhamari to all its close relatives.

Lakhamari is provided by the bridegroom’s family, thus, the distribution of Lakhamari is also an indication of bridegroom’s status and wealth. Many a time, this distribution of Lakhamari builds the status as well as social and emotional connection with bride’s family and relatives. Culturally, it is an important ceremony to distribute Lakhamari.  Socially, it is process of linking with bride’s relatives. This sweetmeat links and makes aware of existing kinship, their category and current social and relational status during the event of marriage. This is both an awareness of near and distant family members, and their relative position in the kinship ladder.

This awareness, that occur during the marriage ceremonies, are rapidly becoming a dying practice. For example, there is also a tradition of paying cash instead of distributing Lakhamari. Among the poor Newars, If the bridegroom’s family cannot supply the amount of Lakhamari to all the relatives, the money is demanded with a fixed price of Lakhamari. The bride’s father asks for the cash amount for total Lakhamari to be distributed to relatives. The groom’s family have to pay the amount. The money transaction practice is not warm heartedly welcomed in the Newar community yet when the family is not able to provide Lakhamari, there is no other ways but to pay the price of Lakhamari to be distributed. Some interpret it as if bride is bought by the groom’s family and that is regarded as an insult to the bride’s family. Among the Newar community, the status of daughter is always held very high. They are worshipped and regarded sacred until the menarche begins. Even today, virgin girl is regarded sacred and some selected girls are worshiped as Kumari or virgin goddess. The transaction of money instead of Lakhamari will not only extinct the practice of experiencing the kinship relationship but also brings conflict between the two families. This may result into domestic violence. 

Providing Lakhamari to the bride’s family and relatives is very important ceremonial exchange that bears a lasting social relationship among the relatives but it is expensive if the kinship are living in closer peripheral area. To avoid such financial burden, as mentioned by Gopal Singh Nepali (1959), many Newars also agree on ‘exchange marriage’. Exchange marriage is a form of sacrificial marriage in which a Newar father (family) who wants to marry his son but cannot afford Lakhamari to distribute to bride’s family, compromises with girl’s family by giving his own daughter’s or any girl from his family side’s hand to bride’s family. Giving a girl for the exchange of a girl reduces the pains of providing Lakhamari. Some believe such exchange practices are found to reduce domestic violence against the bride in her husband’s family. Poverty in the family and exchange of a girl as bride and justification of reduction of social ill of domestic violence at the expense of cultural practice of traditional marriage rituals and social disconnection needs further exploration and insightful contribution by the anthropologists. 

Lakhamari, a simple dried sweetmeat yet an important source of familial, social, and cultural meaning among the Newars. It is a unique tradition among the Newars. In a single event of gifting Lakhamari, it makes family to recall and reestablish the blood relationship with different family member of 3 to 4 generation of both mother and father’s kin. With the size of the Lakhamari that clearly indicates the hierarchical yet closer relationship that exist among the family relatives. Newar’s marriage is not only extending the kinship but also becoming aware of wider range of kin relationship. Lakhamari, a sweetmeat, helps Newars to experience and realize the closeness and rapidly fading relatives that had existed within a kinship.

Sources:

Anil M Sakya (2000). Newar Marriage and Kinship in Kathmandu, Nepal. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Department of Human Sciences, Brunel University, Uxbridge.

Gopal Singh Nepali (1959). The Newars of Nepal. Unpublished PhD Thesis. University of Bombay. India.

Purna Harsha Bajracharya (1956). Newar Marriage Customs. Journal Royal Anthropological Institute, vol. 86 pt.2 pp. 15-38., 1956, p. 15

https://www.foodnetwork.ca/global-eats/photos/wedding-food-traditions-around-the-world/#!cedar-sapling-wedding-cake-bermuda

This is an example post, originally published as part of Blogging University. Enroll in one of our ten programs, and start your blog right.

You’re going to publish a post today. Don’t worry about how your blog looks. Don’t worry if you haven’t given it a name yet, or you’re feeling overwhelmed. Just click the “New Post” button, and tell us why you’re here.

Why do this?

• Because it gives new readers context. What are you about? Why should they read your blog?
• Because it will help you focus you own ideas about your blog and what you’d like to do with it.

The post can be short or long, a personal intro to your life or a bloggy mission statement, a manifesto for the future or a simple outline of your the types of things you hope to publish.

To help you get started, here are a few questions:

• Why are you blogging publicly, rather than keeping a personal journal?
• What topics do you think you’ll write about?
• Who would you love to connect with via your blog?
• If you blog successfully throughout the next year, what would you hope to have accomplished?

You’re not locked into any of this; one of the wonderful things about blogs is how they constantly evolve as we learn, grow, and interact with one another — but it’s good to know where and why you started, and articulating your goals may just give you a few other post ideas.

Can’t think how to get started? Just write the first thing that pops into your head. Anne Lamott, author of a book on writing we love, says that you need to give yourself permission to write a “crappy first draft”. Anne makes a great point — just start writing, and worry about editing it later.

When you’re ready to publish, give your post three to five tags that describe your blog’s focus — writing, photography, fiction, parenting, food, cars, movies, sports, whatever. These tags will help others who care about your topics find you in the Reader. Make sure one of the tags is “zerotohero,” so other new bloggers can find you, too.